Chapter 3:

LITERATURE: TRANSFORMATIONAL CONVERSATIONS

                                                                                                                                   This is the first image of transformation.

 

In examining a web of belief that relates revival and transformation in the New Zealand context, are there conversations within history that are essentially pneumatological, but feed into a theology of transformative revival? I will examine transformational themes during the modern period, demonstrating the drift over the last half century towards the emphasis on the Holy Spirit and cultural transformation and examine the literature on societal vision and revival in New Zealand.

Radical History of Pneumatology and Transformative Vision

Let me begin again in a story. Twenty-four years ago, I recall an old saint from among the Brethren, Milton Smith (Steel, 2003), laying out a fascinating scenario of church history from the Anabaptist point of view. The central motif was that the primary work of the Spirit of freedom has always been external to the institutional church (the stuff of church histories). He expressed a popularly held belief among Evangelicals and Pentecostals that power and institutionalisation corrupt and hinder the work of the Holy Spirit. Such a view affirms apostolic succession not through the bishops but through the apostles (how many bishops are apostles)?

 

Within the flow of this strand of history, Joachim Fiore (ca. 1130-1202) predicted a new utopian “Age of the Holy Spirit” replacing existing Christian institutions and practices as the world is evangelised and the church perfected. This idea affected many subsequent movements such as the Franciscans, Cistercians and Dominicans who understood their mission in terms of her renovatio mundi (Burgess, 1997a:131). During this period the Albigensians linked the “Baptism of the Spirit” with a moment of cleansing or perfecting — a doctrine that resurfaces (a little mutated) today.

My saintly friend Milton traced these themes as they migrated up into the Anabapist movements of Southern Germany resurfacing in Zwingli, Spener, Zinzendorf and the Moravians and from there into the teaching of Wesley, the Holiness movement, then the explosion of Pentecostalism. These radical reformers understood the relationship between the work of the Holy Spirit and the social reformation, emphasizing the creation of alternative societies.

I was fascinated a few years later to hear a learned Presbyterian, professor of missions history at Fuller Seminary, Paul Pierson, tell the same story (1985; 1998). Then to find a Wesleyan professor, Howard Snyder (1989/1997; 1996a; 1996b), write yet again of the same themes.[1]

Wesleyan Revival Roots to Transformative Actions

We can briefly trace much English-speaking evangelical understanding of revival to Wesley’s influence at the beginnings of the industrial revolution.^[2] Whitefield and the Wesley’s experiences were profoundly affected by encounters with the outpouring of the Holy Spirit as they preached. Their conversion theology involving a personal relationship with God manifested by an experiential knowledge of God’s presence was essentially Moravian. David Smith (1998:x) asserts that this was coupled with aspects of Calvinistic world-transforming commitment to social responsibility, inheriting a Reformed doctrine of the Christian calling in the world and anticipating the spread of a gospel with significant social consequences.

The aristocratic evangelical, William Wilberforce and the Clapham sect (a group of wealthy and influential men from Clapham parish church) were direct spiritual descendants of Wesley’s emphases on conversion and the necessity of revival power. They brought Wesley’s experiences and theology among the common people into upper levels of nineteenth century society. Wilberforce and this group of wealthy leaders initiated scores of legislative reforms for the poor, for factory workers, child labour and so on. His motivation was not so much structural change as revival among the elites and ethical change within existing social structures.

The Second Evangelical Awakening of 1858-9 produced over a million conversions in Great Britain and similar numbers in the US (Orr, 1955:76-78, 83). Its fruits included great evangelical unity across denominations, leading to the Evangelical Alliance which was the direct ancestor of the global WCC, World Evangelical Fellowship (WEF), Lausanne and Transformation networks today; the emergence of a lay leadership movement; the expansion of a global missions movement and dramatic social and ethical changes (Orr documents the drop in criminal convictions in six counties during the time of revival (1955:92)). From it came the YMCA, the Barnardo homes, the rescue of prostitutes (over 1000 a year, which resulted in a petition of over two million signatures in 1887 to repeal government patronage of prostitution in the UK), Sunday schools for uneducated youth and thousands of other organisations.

Central in this was a response to the Dickensian evils of urban England, the spawning of a home missions movement and inner city missions. With the blessing of others, a major denomination was created, the Salvation Army. General Booth’s grand schema for transforming London is documented in In Darkest England and the Way Out (1890). The revival created new and intense sympathy with the poor that went straight to the heart of the slums with practical responses but also cooperation with “all wise legislative improvements.”

I had the privilege of attending the last classes of Dr Edwin Orr, author of over 50 books on revival. His summary conclusion in this class about the 1858-9 Awakening was that it gave birth to a litter of active religious and philanthropic societies, which accomplished much in human uplift, the welfare of children, reclamation of prostitutes, reform of alcoholics and criminals and the development of social virtues. He reflected on the political changes it and its predecessor wrought, in that it prepared America for a theistic republic and saved Britain from a bloody Revolution, such as occurred in France. It changed the social order by stages, spectacularly in the abolition of slavery. The Evangelical Revival of the eighteenth Century, instead of producing a revolutionary development, made possible an evolutionary development, achieving as much liberty, equality and fraternity in the long run by less harmful means.

Orr identified these two major revivals and their centennial predecessors, the sixteenth century Reformation and the Seventeenth century Puritanism, as primarily religious and social in manifestation — the “political factors” being treated as important accidentals. They were, “radical in their liberating power, unleashing forces for the greater emancipation of mankind… spiritual freedom seems to develop unendingly.”

Middle Axioms Derived from the American Social Gospel

A generation later, in an opposite camp, the Christian social gospel at the turn of the century was integrated around two major works. Ernst Troeltsh wrote on the “modern social problem” of making “Christianity relevant to a nationalistic, capitalist, technological and increasingly secular order” in The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches (1911/1960). This was published five years after the manifesto of a burgeoning Christian social movement appeared from the pen of Walter Rauschenbusch in Christianity and the Social Crisis (1907/1991), followed by The Social Principles of Jesus (1916) and A Theology for the Social Gospel (1917).

The 1937 Oxford Conference on Church, Community and State was pivotal in creating a new global consensus for ecumenical social ethics for the next 25 years. It was a significant gathering in the birthing of the World Council. This lasting influence was possible because of the number and quality of the Conference’s reports and other related publications which it inspired (Evans, 1992:51-52).

Integral in the deliberations of the conference were the question of the increasing de-Christianisation and growing totalitarianism of Western societies. The church must neither stand aside, nor assume the role of the state. But if not, what is the relationship? The resolution was to call on the laity to institute change. But on what matters can the church advise the State, particularly where technical and expert knowledge is required? The solution here followed the arguments of the “middle axioms,” of John Bennett, an American social ethicist (1941:77) and William Temple. The State should adhere to certain Christian principles, but the church should not comment at the level of specific programmes, including legislation and political strategy. A middle axiom is more concrete than a principle but less specific than a political programme or legislation. To arrive at a middle axiom it is necessary to move from general principle to consultations, drawing on relevant expertise and practical experience as well as theological reflection. Consensus may or may not develop as committed Christian technical experts may disagree. If agreement is reached the church may make pronouncements. If not, the areas of disagreement can be defined and the process assists the practitioners to reflect on finding middle ground from within an ethical framework. Preston’s comments about alternatives are valid for the movements under discussion in this study:

The delegates from 120 countries at the Oxford Conference gave leadership and published extensively across the globe. Kagawa of Japan (Davey, 2000), stands out as the theologian of last century in the application of these theologies. After 15 years in the slums he took his understanding of the social gospel, learned from a stint in the US, into reconstruction of the very centre of Japanese society. While he evangelised Japan, converting more Japanese than any other, he established trade unions, agricultural cooperatives, reconstructed Tokyo after an earthquake, preached to the emperor and wrote 50 novels and other books on these themes.

The globalisation of Christianity has created a plethora of theological issues embracing religious, cultural and ideological perspectives unknown to the early social gospellers. By the 1960’s, the consensus of liberal Christianity had broken down. The integrating theme of the responsible society with its emphasis on Christian order had failed. Central themes such as managing class conflict, democratising of economic power in a new socio-economic order, issues of equality of opportunity and so on, remained. The collapse of American liberal theological consensus in the middle of last century, is analyzed in Soul in Society (Dorrien, 1995).

These liberal theologies make little mention of the Holy Spirit. David Bosch in his exhaustive mission treatise, Transforming Mission, picks up on this theme of the Spirit occasionally (1991:40, 113-115), but there remains a sense that the Spirit is an afterthought to the activity of the church in connection with Jesus (Kim, 2000a: 173). That was to change dramatically with the seventh assembly of the World Council of Churches in Canberra in 1991. The assembly, with growing representation of Pentecostal and indigenous churches, was based on a missionary pneumatological and creational theme, Come Holy Spirit — Renew the Whole Creation, influenced by the “Spirit of Life” theology of Jurgen Moltmann (1991; 1993; 1997).

Evangelical Social Theologies

While liberal Protestant churches were grappling with these issues, Evangelicals, retreating from the social gospel since the turn of last century, had emphasised inner holiness.

But such reductionism was unsustainable. Francis Schaeffer in The God Who Is There (1968a; 1968b), became a popular leading Calvinistic spokesman for Evangelical intellectuals seeking a faith that dealt with the social agendas of modernism. Jim Wallis edited Sojourners as a focal journal of this movement in the US, sparked by the questioning of a generation locked into the Vietnam War. People such as Charles Colson, converted aide to President Nixon and President of Prison Fellowship, became popular. Two of his popular but intellectually significant books on evangelical political engagement, Against the Night (1989) and Kingdoms in Conflict (1987), develop political applications of the Kingdom.

The Lausanne Covenant

The Lausanne Covenant (Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization, 1974), marked a watershed for Evangelicals globally. The Lausanne Congress was, for the world’s millions of Evangelicals, equivalent to Vatican II for Catholics, though lacking in its decorum. The Lausanne movement was for 15 years, until 1989, the international forum for global evangelical debate, involving over 80 consultations and scores of publications. The Lausanne Covenant justified a paralleling of evangelism and social involvement. It has become a generally recognised doctrinal statement across the Evangelical world.

In 1983, the Wheaton Declaration further strengthened the theological basis of holism and chose what had become a popular term in international development circles around 1980 — the term of “transformation.” Among Evangelicals involved in third world development during the 1980’s, “transformation” became the preferred term. This includes as definition:

Subsequently Transformation magazine from three centres — a group at the Oxford Centre in England, from Ron Sider and Evangelicals for Social Action based at Eastern Baptist Seminary, Philadelphia, and from Tokunboh Adeyemo of the World Evangelical Fellowship, — has disseminated these ideas.

1989 was the year of collapsing command economies. It signalled a death-knell for the social Christian consensus which pitted biblical commitments to cooperative economics against the competitive spirit behind laissez faire capitalism. The Christian social gospel movement had fractured and lost its momentum in the 1960’s. However, although Evangelicals became a primary religious force in Britain and the USA, as well as globally, they have not generated a comprehensive theological momentum to become a voice on economic philosophies.

In contrast, from the 1980’s onward, there has been a multiplication of right-wing, Calvinist justifications of American Republican (or British Thatcherist)^[3] views on dismantling the socialised aspects of the modern capitalist state. Griffiths advocates severing the market economy from secular humanism and incorporating it within a distinctively Christian ideology (1984:112). These voices appear to be prophetic in attempting to downsize governmental economic controls, yet violate the biblical commitments to defend the poor against the powerful.

Right-wing Republican economics and political books^[4] are more readily available to New Zealand Evangelical leaders, who now travel more in the US than in Europe, than writings from what appear to me to be more balanced European democratic traditions, such as British M.P., David Alton’s Faith in Britain (1991). Even more extreme, are patterns of reconstructionism.^[5] The central tenet is to reconstruct American society as a Christian society of a previous era.

The Structural Question Becomes an Anthropological Question

In both liberal and evangelical streams, through people like E. Stanley Jones in India (1972); Kagawa of Japan in Christ and Japan (1934); Vishal Mangalwadi of India (Truth and Social Reform (1986)) or Bishop Lesslie Newbigin (The Gospel in a Pluralist Society (1989)), the discussion ceased to focus primarily on the historic structuralist question of church and state but on the anthropological question of the nature of the gospel and culture. It became a discussion about worldview change resulting in structural changes.

This outworking of the globalisation of the church represents the progression from Western Christendom to indigenisation. Indigenisation led to theologies of contextualisation, incarnation, social change, transformation and liberation as against reform. Cultural hermeneutics produces new patterns of biblical hermeneutics. The emergence of free nations from the colonial era led to issues of national identity, national church and national economic development. Local theologies arose to meet these needs.

The progression has been aided by the cross-fertilisation of ideas through journals such as Missiology (read by Catholic, liberal and evangelical missionaries alike). Fuller Theological Seminary School of World Mission professors developed models of the gospel and culture and church impacting culture, growing out of an evangelistic commitment.^[6] These models multiplying through evangelical seminaries worldwide, have a ring of truth to Evangelicals. Liberal German theologians such as Tillich, in his distinctive method of “correlation” (Stenger & Stone, 2002), or Pannenberg in his anthropological theology (1995), had also explored the anthropological question of Christ and culture, but are not as common reading for Evangelicals because of their source in a tradition with a different style of commitment to biblical authority.

Urban Missions

Within this progression urban missions developed. My categories in this study are informed by years of leading and teaching urban missions from a framework of urban anthropology. My foundations were laid under missionary anthropologist, Paul Hiebert. His teaching reflected in Incarnational Ministry (Hiebert & Meneses, 1995), relates urban studies to urban church.

One stream of urban missions developed among churchplanters on the frontlines of penetration of Buddhist, Hindu and animist cities and presumes on the incarnational and evangelistic formation of holistic church as a primary goal. Roger Greenway with the Christian Reformed Mission (1989; 1978; 1979) mapped the field and Harvey Conn in Urban Missions magazine at Westminster Theological Seminary, provided a ten year forum. Since these deal with poverty as a primary context, they draw on urban economic theories (de Soto, 1989; Jacobs, 1984; Santos, 1979) and the holistic church among the poor (Grigg, 1984/2004, 1992/2004). The second stream is essentially American deriving from Chicago, where the church already exists as a significant player in a highly government funded context of meeting social needs. Eastern Seminary urban missiologist Ray Bakke, has advocated this school globally (1987; 1997), in his role as urban consultant with the Lausanne Committee. Both schools adhere to an evangelical view of the Scriptures, commitment to doing justice (Linthicum, 1991; Lupton, 1993), structural transformation and to centralising ministry to the poor.

These schools drew on urban studies, derived from the comprehensive sociology of Weber in The City (1921/1958) and historical works of Mumford (1969). These were further developed by the “Chicago School”. The index of Gmelch and Zenner’s anthology, Urban Life (1996), (see also Eames & Goode, 1977; Palen, 1996), show the emphasis of common urban anthropology on urbanism as a way of life, migration, family and kinship, class and ethnicity, urban places and spaces. Urban planners and geographers would emphasize other issues of infrastructure, transportation, or public services (e.g. Gale & Moore, 1975). I have been influenced by the reflections on urban planning by Catholic urban missiologists, Tonna, in his, A Gospel for the Cities (1982). Newer works related to the emergence of postmodern cities are being produced from the University of Southern California (Dear, 2000; Soja, 1989/1997).

Progression to Theologies of Revival

Harvey Cox, author of a popular urban theology The Secular City (1965), derived from liberal English Bishop Robinson’s “Death of God” theology, which in turn was based on a view of the triumph of secularism, twenty years later retracted much of it in Religion in the Secular City (1984). A decade later he analysed Pentecostalism in Fire from Heaven: The Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality and the Reshaping of Religion in the Twenty-First Century (1995). He begins with this humble retraction:

Recognising the explosion of global Pentecostalism in one century to 400 million, he then analyses them as a response to the modern context.

While the Lausanne Congress of 1974 greatly influenced Evangelicals, Pentecostals were not greatly integrated into this conference. However, by 1989, they were a dominant force at the second Lausanne Congress in Manila. This conference faced major tension between the pragmatic evangelistic Pentecostal growth of the Third World and the entrenched theological streams of the US and European Evangelicals. The subsequent AD2000 movement developed the Global Congress on World Evangelism (GCOWE) in 1995 in Korea, the first global congress funded primarily from non-Western sources and led by non-Western leaders, largely Pentecostal. This strategy conference focused on evangelism. The finer theological nuances of transformation were relegated to one of ten tracks — the urban track.^[7] Partly because evangelical transformational theology leaders critiqued this conference as a step backwards, in 2000 they developed a consultation of 300 in England around the themes of discipleship leading to transformation.^[8] These conferences expanded an environment of dialogue, opening up to Pentecostal leadership the possibilities of the social aspects of the gospel. (Thus through last century, global consultations shifted from the English Anglican power centre and then to an American evangelical/fundamentalist centre to an increasing global Pentecostal influence).

Meanwhile, global contextual issues moved beyond the North-South Marxist-Capitalist development debates to postmodern cultural debates located in mega-cities. A series of monographs in the Christian Mission and Modern Culture series by the Mennonites, (including Shenk (1995); also Bosch (1991: 349-362)), sought to locate mission in postmodern culture. While the context of mission has largely migrated to the global mega-city, I would propose that pneumatology has concurrently become the central theme of missions theology for the next decade. The logic is strategically inescapable.

Firstly, the Protestant church has become global and is predominantly a missionary church in the developing world, largely Pentecostal in style. This affects even the World Council of Churches in its agendas and created major debate as to the nature of that Spirit at the seventh assembly in Canberra.^[9] In a sense, this was prophesied by Karl Barth:

This task was completed by Jurgen Moltmann as the fourth book in his systematic theology, The Spirit of Life (1991). He attributes its writing in part to the influence of supervising student dissertations of Pentecostal background. This comprehensive book, affirms the work of the Spirit in all life-giving, what Moltmann calls “holistic pneumatology”. Unfortunately, it is limited in value by the imposition of the WCC biases as to the activity of the Holy Spirit in the world (universalism, a focus on liberation, an optimistic non-apocalyptic futurology).^[10]

Secondly, theology in the global missional church, reasonably moves to a focus on a theology of the Holy Spirit, for sentness is the essence of missio-n — the Spirit is the one sent from the Father, (or Father and Son) and is the one who convicts and converts.

Thirdly, in the West, the sweeping charismatic movements among both Catholics and Protestants have caused the Holy Spirit and revival to become significant themes. As these Catholic charismatics and Protestant Pentecostals increase in influence, spawning leaders into the government bodies, they find former theologies inadequate to deal with issues of changing governmental systems.^[11] Thus, paralleling the cry in New Zealand is a cry from Latin Pentecostalism (Berg & Pretiz, 1996; Petersen, 1996; Villafañe, 1993) for transformational theologies to serve a new generation of Evangelicals.

A review of specific revival literature appears in chapter 6.

Literature on Transforming New Zealand Societal Vision

How did revivals affect the attempts of the New Zealand church to define a vision for the nation? Revival is not seen as a significant factor in church life or social transformation by the historians. Allan Davidson in Christianity in Aoteoroa (1991) includes several chapters on church and society. In an extensively annotated doctoral thesis on Church-State Relationships in New Zealand: 1940-1990, Evans (1992) has developed this more thoroughly. Neither indicate the work of the Holy Spirit as a significant factor.

When focusing on Christian social vision, a series of works from a group connected to the Joint Board of Education of the National Council of Churches are available, beginning with a comprehensive monograph, Finding the Way: New Zealand Christians Look Forward (Martin, 1983) and Christians in Public Planning (Nichol & Vietch, 1981).

Other mainline church analyses have been attempted. George Bryant, Methodist lay preacher and prolific author, brought together articles by sixteen leaders in societal spheres and projecting a future from a mildly Christian perspective on New Zealand 2001 (1981). In 1990, the Catholic and Anglican Bishops gathered four hundred people for a Symposium on New Zealand’s Future in Wellington, Te Ara Tika — The Way Ahead. This included workshops on fifty-two topics and a progression from theory to practical outcome in the discussions covering six themes — environment, education, economy, social equity, bicultural society and human rights (Roman Catholic and Anglican Bishops of New Zealand, 1990). Neither an integrated theology nor reflection on praxis emerged — perhaps it was too hastily brought together in only five months.[12] These themes are reflected however, in Making Choices: Social Justice for Our Times (Smithies & Wilson, 1993), 9000 of which were distributed across the churches for discussion (Lineham, 2004: 161-2).

Alternative analyses were produced in the late 1980’s and 1990’s by Evangelicals that give a different interpretation of the church of New Zealand. Four books from VisionNZ conferences (Bruce Patrick, 1993; 1997a; 1997b; 1993) collated visions from over fifty Evangelical leaders and include considerable church growth data, along with some embryonic social analysis.

Kevin Ward has, step by step, expanded sociological analysis of New Zealand church growth and its relationship to baby boomers and postmodernity (2000; 2001; 2004; 2004a). Steve Taylor represents a cluster of thinkers delving into the nature of the postmodern emergent church (2004; 2005). My arguments partly focus on the expansion of that church into societal roles. Rex Ahdar (2000; 2000) develops the idea of conflict with a “Wellington worldview”, in a series of papers reflecting on relationships between Evangelicals and the State from a legal perspective.

Published near the completion of this study, recent perspectives in The Future of Christianity (Stenhouse & Knowles, 2004), have given opportunity to verify aspects of this thesis. Peter Lineham’s article on “Social Policy and the Churches in the 1990’s and Beyond”, contextualises engagement of mainline church voices and recent governments. Brett Knowles’ chapter on “The Future of Pentecostalism”, follows a similar trajectory to my own interaction with the work of Harvey Cox, raising similar concerns about Pentecostal control structures and changes in spirituality. Recently, Steve Taylor in A New Way of Being Church ( 2004)), has examined the design of postmodern church frameworks.

Conclusion

This chapter has briefly surveyed literature on the relationships between revival and transformation in the modern period with an urban emphasis. I have noted progressions from envisioning social order based on models of Western civilisation to anthropological issues of social change within national and indigenous cultures. This has been the context of the development of urban missions studies, which have drawn heavily on urban anthropology. I have indicated the lack of emphasis on the work of the Spirit in transformation throughout history and located this study within the experimental expansion of this theme in the present global conversation. Neither evangelical nor liberal attempts at defining vision in New Zealand show significant relationships between pneumatology and social change. This study also enters that gap from an urban missions theology and strategy perspective. 

In Part 2 of the study, I examine revival processes as they move towards transformation.

 

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