Chapter
9
Transformative Revival:
Prophetic Models in the City
The work of culture and the creation of
enduring institutions are the realisation of visions and dreams of relatively
small creative elites who by inspiration project a future worthy of imitation
(mimesis). The immediate consequence of their actions may appear to be
failure.… (Tonsor, 1998:99).
There are prophetic elements in each of the five phases of transformative revival in the previous chapters. How do the Scriptures inform the nature of the prophetic in initiating revival movements (phase 1), in cultural engagement (phase 4) and in generating the response of cultural revitalisation (phase 5)?
Arnold Toynbee in his monumental Study of History (1972:127ff) argues for the determinative role of creative minorities in the development of civilisations. I examine this by reflecting on characteristics of the prophetic in the anthropology of religion and in theology, so as to expand limited Pentecostal understandings. I then supplement this by identifying significant prophetic roles in the Old Testament prophets and Jesus. This results in definition of eight prophetic roles, measurable as a revival enters into cultural engagement.
In examining the first phase of initiation of movements, A.F.C. Wallace identifies the prophetic as the beginning of revitalisation movements (including revivals). “With a few exceptions, every religious revitalisation movement with which I am acquainted has been originally conceived in one or several hallucinatory visions by a single individual. A supernatural being appears to the prophet-to-be …” (2003:17). The dreamer seeks to preach his revelations: he becomes a prophet, makes converts. Wallace is building on Max Weber’s understanding of charisma (1947), when he indicates that because of the moral ascendancy and uncanny authority of the charismatic leader, his/her followers organise into a movement. “Followers defer to the charismatic leader, not because of his status in existing authority structure, but because of his fascinating personal “power” often ascribed to supernatural sources and validated in successful performance.”
Wallace’s study was primarily of tribal contexts. In this study, I deal with city leadership in a multi-sectored, multi-ethnic city, involving “tribal leadership” of the religious movements in the revival, as well as the emergence of Christian leaders in societal leadership roles.[1]
The released creativity of the Holy Spirit in the second and third phase, beyond the initiation of revival, involves a wave of releasing prophetic giftings to new prophets in the midst of revival. The emphasis on this particular gift is reasonable as the Scriptures elevate the desire for the gift of prophesying[2] above all others (1 Cor 14: 1, 2).
The training of the nebiim, the school of prophets of Elijah, included a linking of the ecstasy of worship and power gifts, to an expectation of speaking the direct oracle, the Word from God. Similarly, the charismatic movement and Pentecostalism are a global expansion for millions today into the exercise of types of prophetic ministry accompanied by similar manifestations. Some would critique these as excess and error. But, as Moses says when faced with the same unauthorised outbreak of prophecy among his elders, “Would that all the Lord’s people were prophets!” (Num 11:29). The Old Testament panoply of ecstatic experiences, sense of divine presence, divine healing and signs and their relationship with the immanence of the living God have clear parallels in both New Testament prophetic activity and modern charismatic and Pentecostal norms.
There is a parallelism between Old Testament prophetic activity and that of the New Testament prophets. This contrasts with most Pentecostal understandings of New Testament prophetic roles as primarily within the church, while Old Testament roles were towards society, therefore the church has no responsibility for the prophetic to society – a spurious argument from silence, as in the first decades of the church there were few in positions to speak prophetically to nations. Gentile (2002: 143-157) in an extensive chapter “Comparing Prophecy in both Testaments” writes, “The term prophet is used by both ancient Hebrews and the early Church and the Christians did not seem to struggle with a difference in meaning. They saw continuity between the Hebrew prophets and the New Testament prophets…Some important variations did exist in the use of prophecy between the two Testaments [He analyses six]…but the essence of prophecy has not changed”. I would add to this continuum the parallelism with sociological and anthropological studies. Overholt, for example interfaces anthropological studies with Biblical studies of the prophetic (1996) or at the foundations of sociology, Weber reflects on the nature of the exemplary and ethical prophets (Morris, 1987; Weber, 1963b) , not just as a spiritual gift in Christian circles but as one that can be manifested in the context of other religions. Thus, the occurrence of the prophetic appears to be consistent across time and cultures. This gift may be utilised by the Holy Spirit or by other spirits, or be an expression of the human spirit of an individual. The testing of the Spirits and of prophecy required by Scripture are useful in determining the difference. Kurt Koch, psychiatrist and theologian summarizes differentiation from a psychoanalytic perspective (1972/1994:268); Gentile analyses the theological basis for differentiation (2002: 330-351).
Phase 4 of cultural engagement involves the expanding network of creative change agents and prophetic institutions at city leadership levels. In my earlier studies of city leaderships globally, there are generally many prophetic persons recognised in a mega-city at culture changing leadership levels. Not scores. Not just individuals.
The unity and communality of these is a crucial issue. The relationship of these prophets to the apostles who would implement and structure their movements is also crucial. I have dealt with the nature of prayer and networking elements of this in Transforming Cities on “Building City Leadership Teams” (Grigg, 1997d:53-66). Such leadership teams, with their networked institutions, may become a creative prophetic minority within a culture.
Whitefield, the prophet of the First Great Awakening, along with Charles Wesley, its poet and its apostolic organiser John Wesley, demonstrate such unity, developed in revival experiences.
At New
Years 1739, George Whitefield, my brother Charles, three others and I, with
about sixty of our brethren, were present at a love feast in
Phase 5 involves a cultural response of repentance, a rapid
cultural change of direction, an acceptance of the alternative public
consciousness created by the prophets – a cultural revitalisation. “The
invention of a culture by a creative minority is rarely the work of a dominant
minority employing the mechanisms of power” (Tonsor, 1998: 92).
To accomplish the fourth and fifth phases in the multi-sectoral milieux of 21st century cities, a redefinition for Pentecostals and charismatics is required, an expansion of their popular understandings of the prophecy from a cultic, church-centred view to the comprehensiveness of national and city-level prophecy. Robeck indicates alternative definitions:
·
A
predictive word of future events. (This, he indicates, has ancient precedents
but is an insufficient basis for understanding the gift).
·
An
oracle, spontaneously inspired by the Holy Spirit and spoken in a specific
situation.
·
A
form of expositional preaching from the biblical text.
·
A
public pronouncement of a moral or ethical nature that confronts society.
Pentecostal
and charismatic Christians tend to emphasize the nature of prophecy as
spontaneous, though many allow for the prophetic gifts to function in
‘anointed’ preaching and in some ‘inspired’ social commentary (Robeck, 1988:728).
Among Pentecostals, some prophets rove among the churches
and have words of knowledge for
people. These are direct revelations of the needs and directions of people’s
lives. The validity of one who calls himself a prophet is confirmed by the
clarity and accuracy of these perceptions. The following story illustrates
their significance.
Twenty
students and staff in an
But the way forward theologically into new patterns of
societal transformation is to be found in the expansion of the nature of the
prophetic role in charismatic and Pentecostal thought to include all four of
Robeck’s categories. Theological integrity requires it. This involves an
expansion from simple emphasis on the spontaneous oracle, to an understanding
of the full declamatory force of the prophets as societal conscience, as
oracles at the public level. It also meshes the spontaneity of the oracle with
wisdom as to the issues of the time.[3]
Dispensationalism and reductionism in fundamentalist groups and the narrowness of Pentecostal definitions of the prophetic role preclude addressing societal issues for both groups and exclude a lifetime of intellectual study or the kind of social analysis such as Moses and Isaiah were skilled in. Such study tends to be relegated to “less spiritual” patterns of Christianity. Yet biblically, the prophetic word of judgement and hope is much more complex than simple words of knowledge. The prophetic imagination always interprets the social analysis in the light of the spiritual dynamics underlying it, but without social analysis there is little accurate perception of the issues.[4] The biblical prophets examined societal structures and norms by examining their underlying soul. In a complex society, that involves both intuitive understanding and complex social analysis.
Yet on the other hand, one must not err in overemphasising social analysis not rooted in divine revelation. Some it is true, like Isaiah or Ezekiel, had highly formulated academic and literary societal analyses. Others such as Joel or Jonah, appear to have heard directly from God in divine inspiration related only cursorily to any intellectual analysis. Ultimately, the core of the prophetic word has the Pentecostal emphasis on direct oracle, commonly understood to involve the “word of wisdom” and the “word of knowledge” of I Corinthians 12:8 and 14:6.
In either case, through direct revelation or through God-breathed social analysis, the prophets speak the poetry, the pathos of God, to the poetic soul of nations or cities. In this vein, Walter Brueggeman argues from the Scriptures for freedom from stereotypes of prophets as foretellers or social protesters to a wider cultural leadership role:
The
prophet is primarily addressing the underlying vision of the nation. He is
energising that ‘dominant consciousness within the culture and energising
persons and communities with the promise of another time and situation towards
which the community can move (1978:15).
I will review roles of several OT prophets to illustrate the prophetic role in the fourth and fifth phases of transformative revival. This is a conversation between a modern prophetic emphasis and the OT prophets. I base this on the principle of continuity of prophetic styles across the OT, NT and the present. My categories have been formed by years of reflection on the classics of Heschel (2001), Brueggeman (1978), Harold Knight (1947) and Rauschenbusch (1907/1991), in their in-depth studies of the prophetic, supplemented by Weber’s sociological studies (1963a) and anthropological studies of the prophetic in tribal movements. What is new is my relating these themes to revival in the city.
If we turn to the transformative revival of
the nation of
The appearance of a new social reality through his words is unprecedented and unrepeated. The corollary is that without prophecy, new social realities do not emerge and old social realities decline in evil and corruption. The failure of the prophetic voice in the public square is as much at fault as ungodly leadership in the process of a nation morally decaying.[6]
The results of the time of prophetic encounter required the remaking of a moral value system, expressed in the Ten Commandments. Later this study will return to the progression of prophetic to apostolic, but it is significant to note Moses modelling this combination, as over forty years, he builds a people of God from an oppressed people, transforming the mindset of poverty and dependency.
Jeremiah also highlights crucial prophetic
roles in an urban and globalized context of non-responsiveness not dissimilar
to
The “revival” under Josiah had collapsed. The
prophet highlights the non-responsiveness
of this people, using rhetorical questions, “Why then have these people turned
away? Why does
Here is an indication of the first step in the prophetic role in bringing revival, the cry against the blindness of the people to their own sin and identification of it as a time of repentance.
Then Jeremiah moves to an oracle of judgement on the people as a whole (10-12), with a question about shame: “Are they ashamed of their loathsome conduct? No, they have no shame at all; they do not even know how to blush” (12). Heschel (1965:112-114), speaks of such “loss of embarrassment” as a decisive step towards “loss of humanness.”
Jeremiah goes on to speak of
the lack of shalom, peace and of future judgment. Why is there no healing? “Is
there no balm in
To extend the concept in
Moses and Jeremiah, of the prophet as the
initiator of urban conversation, we may glance at another narrative from
Ezekiel, the priest-prophet, living in the international city of
This concept of an intercessor is more than the Pentecostal definition of one who simply prays with intensity. It includes that, but the location of such a person is one who “stands in place,” “stands between,” and as such prays with knowledge and wisdom. In Ezekiel 13:5, he defines the qualities of a true prophet as one who goes up to the gaps in the wall and repairs them, so that it will stand firm in the day of battle. This may be correlated to the concept in 3:17-21 and 33:7-9 of the prophets being like watchmen on the walls, sounding the trumpet of alarm (Jer 6:17), the progress of a battle (I Sam 14:16) or the approach of messengers (II Sam 18:24-27). There is documented evidence globally supporting the thesis that the creation of intercessory movements in the city is the source of motivation, mobilisation, new vision for rebuilding.[9] But ten years of such documentation, have also left some city leaders who have worked with this thesis, skeptical that the common idea of intercessors, dissociated from the hard work of engagement in the public forum, have significance in terms of social change.
The prophets declared God’s concern for justice within society. We can turn from the
prophets to the historical books to see the outworking of such a theme.
Nehemiah, the builder of a city, models this understanding of the completed
prophetic. He begins where Ezekiel has left us — as a weeping intercessor
serving a meal to a King. Then the
tears of intercession are converted into audacious action with a plan that a
worthy King would respond to. The book of his rebuilding
The role of the apostle, prophet, pastor-teacher is to prepare workers for such public service (Eph 4:11, 12). I suggest that the training of functional prophets occurs in the training of Nehemiahs, men and women who intercede between God and the people as they serve the nation in public affairs, neither neglecting the intercessory closet, nor the public debate.
In
seeking to understand the prophetic element in processes of transformative revival, what is the focus of Jesus,
the ultimate prophet? His emphasis was neither dismantling society, nor
building its physical structure but inaugurating a new values system and a new
web of relationships. His prophetic critique was direct, forceful, cutting to
the values of the culture. His was a creation of alternative spiritual,
personal and social values of the Sermon on the Mount, then an apostolic
process of building those prophetic values into the character of the disciples
and their communal relationships. The model of Jesus requires us to examine the
values changes that might mark transformative revival in
Personal values are part of the daily transformational conversation for many revived believers as they are forced into prophetic definition of values by confrontations with the culture of the office or government-imposed values in the school system.
As my children learned to read in
class J1 with officially approved government readers, I noticed that none of
the readers contained any values teaching (with the exception of tolerance of
cultural pluralism). I took William Bennett’s Book of Virtues to the principal and asked if there was any
statement in the school’s policy about teaching values. There was not.
Should there be? I suggested that I
was coming from a Christian perspective, but that William Bennett, in the Book of Virtues (1993), had developed a
compendium of stories for moulding children’s values around universally
acceptable themes such as self-discipline, compassion, responsibility,
friendship, work, courage, perseverance, honesty, loyalty, faith, love and so
on. that could be used across cultures and religions. The school then
introduced an alternative to Bible in
Schools developed along Bennett’s lines, but led by a Hindu Brahmin!
There
are problems with the use of values. Ball (1996), demonstrates how pervasive
use of the word “values” in its derivation from the social sciences has
subsumed issues of moral principle, religious conviction and ethical precept
into a single category. This legitimises a fact/ value distinction where values
say nothing of the thing judged but become merely an expression of the
speaker’s attitudes — and hence meaningless.
Secondly, the possibilities of establishing a consensus on values in a postmodern city are limited. Brazilian Catholic urban theologian, Libanio, in a chapter on “The Structure of Values” demonstrates the disintegrating effects of postmodern urbanism on a values system:
Modern urbanism presents a horizon
of pluralistic values, conflicting, subjective, individualistic, fragmented.
Pluralistic, because they have developed in diverse cultural and religious
traditions. Conflicting, because they reflect fundamentally different postures
about life, humanity and the Transcendental. Individualistically subjective,
because people may oscillate in their own acceptance of universals, without
sensing an obligation to follow all norms. Fragmented, because their values
don’t necessarily come from a unified tradition and may be incompatible (Libanio,
2001: 178, tr. from Portuguese, mine).
Yet there is evidence for teaching on values change, to be a
fruitful field of societal change in education, business and medicine.[11] It anchors transformational theology into
the locus of specialist societal issues and of professionals who are
Christians. Given the genesis of Pentecostalism as a values-based movement
(Sheppard, 1988:796; Martin, 1995:27), redefinition of some cultural values is
a significant possibility.
On the other hand, Pentecostals and
to a lesser extent charismatic Evangelicals, are activists. Two recent studies
have sought to develop a Pentecostal social ethic in Latin America, based on
ethics as pneumatological (Petersen, 1996:186-226; Villafañe, 1993: 193-221).
They focus on both the pneumatological and the
In this chapter I have examined the prophetic at each phase of transformative revival theory, expanding the nature of the prophetic from Pentecostal definitions and considered revival as a process for developing a creative minority (phase 3 & 4). I have also discussed the initial concept of a progression from the prophetic to new apostolic structures that engage society (phase 4). At times, with divine intervention or because of repentant response, the whole culture may move into a cultural revitalisation and the prophetic becomes the basis of an apostolic building phase, as in the cases of Moses or Nehemiah (phase 5).
Reflecting on the roles of Old Testament prophets and on Jesus, I have sought to reflect on the nature of the prophetic within transformative revival. These prophetic roles form criteria for evaluation of transformative revival progressions (recognising that the principles are rarely integrated in logical steps). They become eight measurable characteristics of prophetic initiation at phase 4, cultural engagement and the response of cultural revitalisation (phase 5).
A cursory
glance at the
Fig. 1: Prophetic Roles in Cultural Revival
Fig. 1:Eight measurable criteria for prophetic engagement in cultural
engagement with a society leading to cultural revitalisation and the biblical models used in this
chapter as a basis for their selection.
To demonstrate this further, apostolic engagement in sectors of society where the development of creative minorities and prophetic roles is occurring will be examined in the next chapter. Conversational spaces about values manifest in business Chapter 11, defined by the urban chapters 12 & 13 and postmodern contexts (chapters 14 & 15) will be examined in part 3.
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NOTES
[1] Leadership of religious movements and even denominational movements is difficult to interpret with organisational or business leadership paradigms. When considered as clans that make up tribes, the model matches more readily the dynamics of roles, authority and leadership emergence.
[2] While strong Calvinistic teaching emphasises the intellectual and didactic nature of the preacher as prophet in 1 Cor 14:1-3, the context of Paul’s discussion relates to ecstatic abuse and charismatic manifestations - not dissimilar to the context of sociological (Weber, 1963a) and anthropological definitions of the prophet.
[3]For example, Brazilian national leader, Ramos (1995:23-28), successfully expands evangelist Ed. Silvoso’s (1994) understanding of praying against the powers in a city into the prophetic role in the public domain, while rejecting Silvoso’s super-spirituality.
[4]The classic demonstrations of this are the books of first and second
Kings and first and second Chronicles. They are not simple historical books,
but rather they are ‘redemptive history’, that is, history interpreted
according to a theological motif of blessing and judgement. For fundamentalists
and Pentecostals for whom ideas of Deuteronomic authorship and a redactor are not
commonly accepted, the repeated refrain of good king, bad king, ‘because he did
what was right (or evil) in the sight of the Lord’, has no overtones of the
humanity of the editor’s comment, but simply is the word of God. This high view
of the authority of these words lends emphasis to a prophetic interpretation of
social currents in the present
[5] Alternatively, liberationists understand it as class conflict, with Moses the voice of the responsive oppressed arrayed against the resistant oppressor.
[6] I define moral decay in this study as the opposite of
transformation towards the principles of the
[7] Though Craigie (1991) places it in the latter part of Josiah’s reign because of the sense of failure of reform and Kidner (1985) puts it in the early period of his prophesying because of similarities with chapters 2-6. Since these appear to be a series of fragments, it is difficult for any of the commentators to be definitive.
[8] Critical questions as to date and authorship, through succeeding
generations, have been of such diversity that, “efforts to dissect the book
largely have cancelled each other and that Ezekiel must be studied as the
prophet who introduces a new stage in prophecy, resulting from the new
situation in which the exiled people of God find themselves” (La Sor, William
Sanford,
[9]I have documented the sources of some of this (Grigg, 1997b). It has been a major theme in John Dawson’s and Wagner’s works. Silvoso builds his whole city-reaching strategy around it (1994).
[10]For example, Alinsky (1969), an atheistic Jew, used it as the basis of theories of community organising.
[11]For example, Accent on Values Emerging in Universities, Workplace (Lynch, 2000). Gavin Ellis identifies some of the values issues in the city conversation in Towards Shared Values (Ellis, 2000).