CHapter 6

 The Nature of Revival

                                                                        John Whitefield[1]

A common web of belief about revival, that has been largely consistent over 300 years, framed the pneumatological conversation of the last chapter. However, over the last two decades these beliefs have been engaging new mega-urban issues and mutating into a new global web of belief. In this chapter, I extend the literature survey of chapter 3, and the participant-observation of chapter 5 into the writings of the students of revival (historians, theologians and social scientists). Common themes from Lukan accounts, germane to such analyses, introduce this to show a foundational web in one gospel author that underlies the present web. I then, step by step, expand the initial definition from the literature. I examine elements of revival movements. I then summarize “Revival Principles” into a theory.

I illustrate areas where these common definitions are inadequate and discuss a new (third) web of belief concerning transformative revival. Then, seeking to understand possible transitions from an evangelical web of belief to the proposed transformative revival web of belief, I examine revival as central to Evangelicalism, as evidenced in the shift in power to entrepreneurs. I take a brief but necessary excursus on the nature of glossolalia and examine the wider theme of spiritual gifts as foundational for extending revival into transformation.

Literature on Revival

While the phenomena of revivals and revival movements derives from the Scriptures, the evangelical use^[2] of “revival of religion” came to prominence with Whitefield in his spawning of the Great Awakening in England. The interpretations of revival in the writings of Jonathon Edwards, in the early decades of the American colonies, were popularised by the early-mid 19^th century Finney’s Laws of Revival (Burns, 1909/1993; Finney, 1836/1987; Weakley, 1987). They emphasised the necessity of conversion, the depravity of humanity, repentance from sin and unity among believers. Leonard Ravenhill promulgated these ideas popularly last century (1979; 1986) (including a visit to New Zealand). These began a genre of primarily theological interpretations of revival, based on sets of principles.[3]

Edwin Orr, worldwide revivalist and author of over 50 books on revival became the definitive author on the topic from a historical then a global point of view. (e.g. 1955; 1972; 1975a; 1975b; 1975c). However, his very rigid categories, formed by 1955, progress no further. He viewed revival and evangelism as closely intertwined and defined the cause of revival as the preaching of the Word of God, resulting in conviction, confession, repentance from sin and restitution. These result in public witness. Outcomes of revival are seen in multiple good works by individuals (for example, 1972: 232). Emeritus missions historian at Fuller, Pierson (1998), in his unpublished analysis of revival movements within church history, has expanded Orr’s theses into several historical theses which influence my discussion.

Church Growth guru, McGavran, did the seminal thinking on the relationship of revival and church growth (1970:186-203). Alan Tippett (1971; 1973; 1987), brought anthropology into the study of revival, particularly developing McGavran’s ideas of “web movements,” and “people movements.” These are germane to my discussion on spatial expansion of urban revival movements. East African revivalist, Roy Hessian, in The Calvary Road (c1960), developed a paradigm of “brokenness” as source of sustainable revival.

At a more academic theological level, reformed theologian, Lovelace, in Dynamics of the Spiritual Life (1979) developed ideas on sustainable revival based on a Reformed analysis. I do not use this significantly, as I find it lacks roots in the typical experiences of revival, hence tends to confuse, with imposed rather than grounded theological paradigms. In contrast, Free Methodist revival theologian, Snyder, in Signs of the Spirit (1989/1997) and Radical Renewal: The Problem of Wineskins Today (1996), integrated ideas from the above underlying works into a systemic historical, sociological and theological theory of revival. Snyder developed a model of five dimensions of renewal: personal; corporate; conceptual; structural and missiological, affirming that renewal “may begin in any one or more of these five ways,” though he later refers to “concentric ripples in a pond” (293).

I build from these, particularly Snyder, but seek to extend revival into the arena of cultural engagement and revival. I reflect on several major theories from diverse disciplines on the relationship of revival movements and culture. In developing a theory for revival movements, I utilise the influential anthropological model of revitalisation by A.F.C. Wallace (2003), in his attempt to define rapid cultural change within total cultural systems, built largely from studies of tribal cultural movements.

The above authors are foundational for the new experimentalists in the field, who seek to interpret contemporary revival issues. While many of these are trained academic missiologists, they write popularly. Spiritual warfare is a major popular theme, recurring throughout the Catholic saints and Protestant history. Ed Murphy in his Handbook of Spiritual Warfare (1996), gives a definitive six hundred page Pentecostal view of these issues.[4] Aldrich builds on experiences of catalysing prayer for revival and develops the idea of “prayer summits” as source of revival (1992), a model that has been utilised in New Zealand. Haggard (1995) expands on city-wide unity as a basis for revival – a theological thesis that as leaders in the AD2000 movement we have experimented with for 15 years and that significant leaders have come to question as a demonstrable missiological statement (though this is not as yet published material). Peter Wagner writes in areas of church growth. He has built from my early works on city leadership teams of apostles and prophets as expressed in the AD2000 leadership (Grigg, 1997d:57-62) and also developed the idea of mega-church leaders as city apostles (1993; 1998; 1999), an idea accepted by many globally, but seen as seriously flawed by other Evangelicals (again, unpublished). Silvoso’s (1994) ideas of city-wide revival strategies and spiritual warfare encapsulate some years of group dialogues of city leaders. Frangipane complements these in the area of a biblical theology of revival and the city (1991). The international president of YWAM, John Dawson (1989; 1996), develops a foundational idea of revival derived from reconciliation of peoples through “identificational repentance”, using experiences between Maori and Pakeha in New Zealand.[5] These are all part of a field of current academic and popular debate. This study is within this genre, as part of a network seeking to understand revival in postmodern cities.

Significant in studies of revival in New Zealand is Brian Hathaway’s Beyond Renewal: The Kingdom of God (1990) reflects our early experiences of relating the Kingdom to renewal and a missiology for the local congregation. Wyn Fountain, in a self published document, The Restoration of Hope for the Transformation of Our Nation (1996), introduced themes into New Zealand, influenced by (or influencing?) his son, Jeff Fountain (2004), a YWAM leader who has been coordinating Hope for Europe and part of the AD2000 network which was central to these global discussions. Other published works on this field in New Zealand are largely historical. Worsfold (1974), did significant research on the development of the Apostolic church, including information about the Smith Wigglesworth revival of 1922-23 in Wellington. Missionary anthropologist Alan Tippett, does a riveting analysis of the conversion and discipling movement of the Maori people in the mid 19^th century (1971:40-75). Evans and McKenzie supplement this (1999:2-30). Edwin Orr’s experiences in New Zealand (1936), are also more autobiographical, coming before his period of global revival analysis. Brett Knowles’ The History of a New Zealand Pentecostal Movement (2000) correlates early years of the New Zealand revival with the New Life churches.

How do these theological explanations relate to the analysis of revival movements in sociology? Missiology can utilise scripture as a foundation, and describe the person of the Holy Spirit as the source of revival. In contrast, sociology has to do with social configurations, and the social origins of religion, exemplified by Durkheim (1915/1965) at the beginning of last century as he identified religion as primarily performing the vital social functions of social integration and solidarity that derive from a system of shared beliefs. It can only describe the phenomenology of movement growth, and interpret human or institutional elements within that. “Revival” is not utilised by sociologists in the theological sense defined in this study, as a revival generated by the person of the Holy Spirit, but more generally as a revitalisation (Wallace, 2003) of religious institutions and/or belief systems not dissimilar in use to revival of a cultural system, political ideas, or philosophy.

In contrast with its use in examining tribal religious movements in anthropology, its use occurs occasionally in sociological discussions[6] on the expansion of Christianity, for example, in recent Eastern Europe and Russia (Greerley, 2004) or on revival of Islam (Voll, 1968). Greeley examines the contextual factors in Russia, both the persistence of 1000 year old religion, and a vacuum of belief in the demise of communism, a great vacuum causing a demand for spirituality and religion.

The recent relevant debates (in some ways cross-Atlantic debates (Crockett & O'Leary, 2004:1-11)), in sociology of religion have rather been between proponents of secularisation theory, its critics, and Stark’s more recent application of economic theory to sociology of religion (Stark & Bainbridge, 1985); (Finke & Stark, 2000). He tries to explain the religious pluralism in the US, proposing that demand for religion is somewhat constant, caused by the need to explain human existence. He develops ninety-nine propositions that cover many areas of church growth. Unfortunately he did not include in these the arena of revival.  It would be of interest in another study to review the theological principles of revival in this study from a sociological perspective and add to his wider theory.

Underlying Biblical Web of Belief

I utilise my own simple definition of core revival elements, then expand it step by step to encompass the commonly held web of belief:

The biblical basis for such a theology of revival focuses on Pentecost:

Luke describes a unique communal event, the beginning of the creation of the church, yet without its breaking with the temple or synagogue.[7] Acts 4:31-34 recounts another experience of the Holy Spirit sovereignly falling on a group, with a different phenomenology but similar socio-economic, evangelistic and spiritual results. At each expansion of the church across ethnic divides the group phenomena is repeated — as Peter and John are sent to the half-caste Samaritans they lay hands on them and they receive the Spirit (Acts 8:15-17) and when Peter preaches to the Gentile Cornelius’ house, “the Holy Spirit came on all who heard the message” (Acts 10:44; 11:15). The prophecy from Joel 2:28,29, used to interpret this, indicates that the coming of the Spirit would be on all God’s people, not just prophet, priest and king. Thus this falling has to do with the empowering of the laity.

Secondly, I utilise Joel’s word “outpouring” to indicate the divine sovereignty and the overwhelming nature of the Holy Spirit on groups. They were all filled. It was a baptism of the Spirit (an immersion, Acts 1:4,5), a coming upon them (1:8; 2:3), an overwhelming. Moltmann extrapolates, “The Spirit always descends on the whole congregation and cannot be claimed by anyone as his or her possession. This has been so since the first Pentecostal congregation we hear about in Acts 2” (1998: 57).

Yet thirdly, the divine action relates to collective spiritual hunger. Each group mentioned in Acts, experience unity and seeks God – “they all joined together constantly in prayer” (1:14). Jesus told them to wait for the promise, which they did in prayer, in the Scriptures and in unity. This leads to a theme I recall as a child, reading from late 19th century books (whose names I no longer recall) sent to me by my grandmother, of “tarrying,” waiting on him together, as the human prerequisite for revival (cf. Edwards, 1990:72ff).

The framework of Luke’s description is informed by some theophanies of the Old Testament.

These OT theophanies include presence, empowerment, signs and wonders. These NT passages discussed so far speak of the action of the Holy Spirit upon (or baptizing) a group, with concomitant, though varying, signs and wonders, particularly speaking in other languages.

These experiences are spoken of, in what Moltmann calls “movement metaphors,” of rushing wind and flaming fire (1991:278). The action of the Holy Spirit is external, starting from heaven. Using other metaphors, it is a coming upon like a dove, a pouring out (2:17f; 10:45), a baptism (1:5, 11:16), resulting in an internal indwelling, a filling of the Spirit.

Every occurrence in Acts also resulted in bold proclamation.

In summary, we may extend my simple definition to a basic Lukan definition:

I wish to expand on these characteristics from the literature.

Principles of Revival

The Initiating Manifestation of Divine Presence

The central element of revival I have identified in principle 14 is the initiating manifestation of God. Typical of revival experiences, is David Brainerd’s record of the birth of revival among American Indians in 1745:

The power of God seemed to descend upon the assembly ‘like a rushing mighty wind’ and with an astonishing energy bore down all before it. I stood amazed at the influence that seized the audience almost universally and could compare it to nothing more aptly than the irresistible force of a mighty torrent… Almost all persons of all ages were bowed down with concern together and scarce one was able to withstand the shock of this surprising operation.[8]

This central element is captured in popular British revivalist, Selwyn Hughes’ definition, “A high voltage burst of spiritual energy and supernatural power” resulting in:

Holiness, Repentance, Confession and Conversion

Hughes’ second point illustrates one of the evidences that these dynamics are from God — the evidence of holiness. She is the Holy Spirit, as against other spirits, whose names indicate the nature of their being, or the human spirit, which can generate its own phenomenology. There is deep soul-level awareness of sin and truth that occurs in the presence of the Holy and results in repentance by both Christians and in conversion of non-Christians.

Suddenly the power of the Spirit comes upon them and they are brought into a new and more profound awareness of the truths that they had previously held intellectually and perhaps at a deeper level too. They are humbled and they are convicted of sin, they are terrified at themselves… So the two main characteristics of revival are first, this extraordinary enlivening of members of the church and second, the conversion of masses of people who have been outside in indifference and sin (Jones, 1959).

Revival’s integral connection to sin and its opposite, holiness are both causal and resultant relationships. Causal: outpourings occur in response to conviction and repentance of sin caused by preaching. Resultant: the presence of God falling results in conviction of sin.

But repentance is not limited to believers. Conversion of many is normative, just as it was in the book of Acts, with the conversion of 3000, then 5000. Orr’s definitions of revival are the most used and consistently include four phenomena: revival includes some repetition of the phenomena of the Acts of the Apostles; groups collectively experiencing the divine presence with resultant empowering; a revitalizing of nominal Christians; and conversions of outsiders as a result of the divine encounter (various writings by Orr).

Manifestations of Power

Beginning with the noise of Pentecost (the sound of a rushing wind) and the brilliance of 120 fires settling on each one, followed by the speaking in other tongues, the phenomenology of revival is a major field of social research and theologizing and there is little point in repeating that here. If God or any spirit comes in power, one would expect diverse phenomena. The Scriptures outline the nature of these, but descriptively, not exhaustively.

As a participant-observer, I find manifestations differ from culture to culture – often a deep silence, broken by outbreaks of sobbing, weeping repentance. In other cultures, sudden outbreaks of cultural dance forms occur as people are set free from sin to rejoice. People fall, shake, quake (source of the name of the denomination), speak in other languages, prophesy, demons manifest, etc. The most beautiful event I have been involved in was watching a paralysed ballerina, set free into the most beautiful dance of worship. Overwhelming divine encounters, power seen in healing and deliverance, love, resultant worship – all are repeated elements. It is difficult to write of it in the midst of experiencing it. This study is a poor reflection on transforming experiences and “empowerment derived from an intense, transcendent sense of divine presence” (Petersen, 1996:187). This aspect also differentiates spiritual revival from common understandings of organisational revival, or cultural revival included in Wallace’s revitalisation theories – I am talking of revival ascribed to the Holy Spirit.

Socio-Economic Fruit

This study relates the impact of revival to societal transformation. A starting point is the evidence in the revival scenes in the Acts 2 community and again in Acts 4:32-34. They are stories of a new social community and new redistributive economics matching the new spirituality. This new socio-economics was surely based on the disciples’ training by Jesus and their modelling the nature of the new Kingdom, an eternal jubilee of redistribution of wealth and equality across social classes (Grigg, 1981; 1985/2004; Snyder, 1997:67-76).

The literature documents such results repeatedly. The following is a typical story:

Character Transformation

Luke, in his accounts, emphasises love and unity leading up to and following Pentecost. Others have the same emphasis on love. Pierson (1998:IV), perhaps reflecting sociologist Berger (1954:480), summarises one evidence as, “Revival decreases distances between individuals, male and female, rich and poor, church and church.” Gordon Wakefield (1976:76), describing the effects on Wesley, calls it “the burning charity.” Moltmann (1991:280), speaking of the images of the Spirit says, “the raging tempest and raging fire are also images of the eternal love which creates life and energises it from within.”

The fruits of the Spirit in Galatians 5:22, 23 represent key characteristics of the future Kingdom. One would expect that love, joy, peace, patience, kindness are heightened with the inbreaking of the Spirit in revival.

My proposal is that this principle becomes a basis for considering a theory of transformative revival. One could take the fruit of the Spirit, the first fruits of the inbreaking future Kingdom and muse on their effect on any city. What happens when love, joy and peace sweep over a sector of a city? What is the impact on violence and dissension in homes? What happens when patience, kindness and goodness become the norm in the civic square? How do faithfulness, gentleness and self-control affect families and media presentations?

George Thomas, professor of sociology at Arizona State University, in his Revivalism and Cultural Change, analyses such dynamics in the second awakening in the US:

The Expansion of Revival Movements

Beyond these principles of revival, expansion of the concept of “groups” in the definition requires both theological and sociological development of a “revival movement” theory. Among the diverse definitions available, Snyder defines “a renewal movement” as,

a sociologically and theologically definable religious resurgence which arises and remains within, or in continuity with, historic Christianity and which has a significant (potentially measurable) impact on the larger church in terms of number of adherents, intensity of belief and commitment and/or the creation or revitalization of institutional expressions of the church (1989/1997:34).

This is a very church-focused definition. Orr uses the term “evangelical awakenings”.[10] Lovelace comments that “revival,” “renewal” and “awakening,” “usually are used synonymously for broad-scale movements of the Holy Spirit’s work in renewing spiritual vitality in the church and in fostering its expansion in mission and evangelism” (1979: 21).

The repetition of revival dynamics is foundational to the rapid expansion of Evangelicalism and Pentecostalism, both of which can be perceived as the fruit of series of revival movements occurring across multiple cultures, with overlapping timeframes. The literature on revival themes that grows from interpreting these movements is extensive and expanding.^[11]

Two contributory and popular missiological terms are helpful. People groups is a sociological concept used in missiology by Donald McGavran (1970:223ff), the founder of church growth theory and marketed by Ralph Winters globally.[12] Flow of ideas (or the transmission of the power of the Spirit) within such groups is rapid, through webs of relational ties until it meets a racial, ethnic, class or other barrier (a web movement).[13] There is usually a multiplier effect that is often graphed to show an exponential spread of the gospel as revival dynamics expand – until they hit barriers of war, famine, other catastrophe, or heresy that curtail expansion.

The idea of web movements, can be utilised to understand revival movements within the Scriptures. We can consider the structure of Acts as built around several web movements – the multiplication within the Jerusalem Jewish community up until Acts 8:1, at which time, “there arose a great persecution in Jerusalem and they were all scattered everywhere.” Then a transition across a barrier as the Holy Spirit is poured out on Gentile communities: through Philip to the Ethiopian eunuch, then Peter and John, bringing the power of the Holy Spirit to the Samaritans, then from Peter to Cornelius the Roman, where again the Holy Spirit fell. From Acts 13 on, it is the story of another web movement throughout the Roman Empire, pioneered (though not exclusively) by the apostle Paul in the trade language and at the trade centres.

Limited Time Frames and Periodicity of Revival

Movement dynamics have to do with time and space. Revival theories tend to consider four temporal questions — the speed of initiation; the timing of revivals; their limited time frames and the periodicity of revival. There are some areas of agreement but generally, these are matters of historical, sociological and theological speculation.

Suddenly: Acts 2 begins with a “Suddenly”. Revival involves sudden intervention (for descriptions from the scriptures see Wallis, 1956:61-63). It is as if a mighty wind passes by and all are left touched by it, as it moves rapidly to another region.

Periodicity: I have also struggled theologically (as have the revivalists) with the reasons why, in the Scriptures, there is periodicity. Biblically, there is an outbreak of the empowering of the Spirit and the miraculous around Moses. Then occasional outbreaks throughout the Judges, followed by a gap until Solomon’s temple, then to Elijah and Elisha, on to Ezra and the rebuilding of Jerusalem, then another recognised gap (depending on how the Intertestamental writings are viewed), until the coming of Christ and the apostolic age.

If the question is phrased, “Why should God only choose certain times to anoint his people?” one should search for patterns of affirmation of new epochs, new ages of his working with his people, as Moses created the nation, Solomon dedicated a temple, Jesus brought a Kingdom and the apostles a church age. On the other hand, how do we explain Elijah, Elisha and Samson, who did not initiate new epochs? The tenor of the book of Judges and the periodic rise of the prophets indicates a process of generational outbreaks of phenomenology around prophetic figures. Perhaps both elements need to be integrated into any theory of revival.

Jonathon Edwards defines failure of revival in theological terms as “periods of spiritual decline occur in history because the gravity of indwelling sin keeps pulling believers first into formal religion and then into apostasy” (Lovelace 1979:40). This affirms the scribal commentary on the stories of Judges and the Kings in the Old Testament, where outbreaks of divine presence and the miraculous are related to obedience and his absence related to disobedience. If revival is integrally connected with public repentance (either cause or response to the presence of God on groups), then it is reasonable to presume the decline of revival has to do with the resurfacing of sin in the public square and consequent loss of the presence of God.

Is there a possibility of sustainability? Hessian’s contribution (c1960), is to document the sustained East African revival patterns, based on continual confession of sin between believers.

Lovelace (1979:32, 62-80) contrasts two theological models of revival. The first model is an oscillating model of decline and renewal, gross apostasy and call to national repentance. He links it to an understanding of generational history. He prefers a second model of continuous revival based on the book of Acts.^[14] I find this difficult, as the Lukan account is too limited in time frame to make a strong case. The scattering of Acts 8:1 occurred probably within 3-4 years of the falling of the Spirit at Pentecost and the subsequent accounts in Acts focus on the Pauline web more than the scattered early Jerusalem church.

Looking at the nature of such movements from a more human perspective, chaos theory in mathematics gives a key. It is useful in demonstrating periodicity of patterns when you have varying combinations of multiple variables (e.g., from the multiple variables that go into weather forecasting, certain repeating patterns such as cyclones can be predicted in general). Revival movements certainly are complex combinations of multiple variables, that crystallise in common configurations at certain periods.

Toynbee, in his study of the wider phenomena of civilisations comes to a similar conclusion, of two modes or rhythms, periodic movements within progressive major development of civilisations (1972:159). Thus, Like Toynbee and in accord with a biblical concept of time (not linear Western, not cyclic Eastern, but directional and seasonal), I am integrating both of Lovelace’s models.

These seasons appear to be nearly generational if we accept the timelines of “The Revival Website” which extensively document six ages of worldwide revivals (revival-library.org, 25 Feb 2004). McLoughlin, as a scholarly historian (1978:v), documents four spiritual-cultural awakenings in the US (1730-1760, 1800-1830, 1890-1920, 1960-1990). Some generations miss revival completely, as is seen in the gaps in these.

The lack of a new season of visitation, if the critical variables do not reconstitute themselves after the phase of quiet structuring, may result in an alternative life-destroying institutional growth phase coupled with spiritual decline then apostasy. I would suggest this has happened within New Zealand Methodism and parts of New Zealand Presbyterianism. The consensus of the writers appears to be that these periods of decline parallel the loss of morality in the broader culture, as Evangelicals believe has happened in New Zealand over the decades of the 1960’s to 1990’s.

Spatial Expansion of Revival Movements

This seasonal but sustainable model also marries perspectives on spatial expansion of revival.

Revival of existing churches: Throughout history the intensity and focus of revival as divine visitation on groups of existing believers has consistently occurred for limited seasons only. In this context, the human structuring that enables ongoing progression of the work of the Spirit may or may not develop, for it often is not part of the structures of what is being revived. For example, the Welsh revival movement conserved little fruit as it contained such an aversion to ongoing structure.[15]

Revival through new discipling webs: Jesus’ departing words in the Markan addendum (Mark 16:17,18) indicates outbreaks of signs and wonders during the evangelistic phases of church planting. This correlates with the anecdotal evidence globally. Such revival movements may be defined missiologically as web-movements of divine manifestations that result from small group conversions. There are thousands of such movements occurring around the world involving direct intervention of the Holy Spirit in divine encounters, signs and wonders as evangelistic and discipling work progresses.[16] The multiplication of these is often sustained for decades. Beginning with Tippett’s anthropological exploration (1971) of the phenomenology in McGavran’s people movement thesis (1970:333-353), there is a literature of thousands of church growth studies related to such movements over the last 30 years, much of it documenting such signs and wonders. Such studies are useful for explaining some of the Pentecostal denominational growth dynamics in New Zealand, as ideas from this school have often been determinative of church leaders’ goals.

The common thread of the falling of the Spirit on groups with signs and wonders is part of both dynamics. Because of the intentional structure of evangelistic mission and subsequent catechetic or discipling processes, the second kind of discipling movement often has a longer sustaining structure. The divine and human elements are married in a synergy. It would be a very interesting study to compare growth of the New Life churches with the effects of renewal on Baptist churches during this revival, as a way of contrasting a discipling web movement that integrated fruits from the renewal into those discipling processes with a renewal of an existing church.

Revivals and the Core Values of Evangelicalism

The deeper I have researched, the more evident it has become that revival is foundational to Evangelicalism. I have already noted the high view of Scripture, the crucicentric nature of Evangelicalism and its evangelistic centre. The sequitur is that revivals (centred on the preaching of the cross) produce Evangelicals. The corollary is that Evangelicalism does not exist apart from revivals. For each pouring out of the Spirit in the book of Acts results in bold evangelistic activity and conversions. The second corollary is that since Evangelicalism is essentially revivalistic, attempts to restrict outbreaks of revival phenomena will fail, as seen with the exodus of thousands of those touched by the Spirit from fundamentalist Brethren fellowships in the early phases of the New Zealand revival.

Revivals: Power Shift to Lay Entrepreneurs

Two other significant themes among Evangelicals directly grow from revival sources: power shifts to lay entrepreneurs and the spiritual unity of believers.[17] I will review the first of these.

I have already indicated the theological premise that Pentecost was a giving of the Holy Spirit to common people. Literature of the 1980’s indicated that lay leadership develops when there is small group structure (as seen in the last chapter). Snyder does an extensive comparison of the pietists, Moravians and Methodists as the basis of his theories on revival:

Evangelicalism and Pentecostalism are populist movements, with leadership emergence patterns for the common person who can appeal to the masses, recruit followers and build them into participative communities of faith. Such movements build an espirit de corps in opposition to that from which they have come (Gerlach & Hein, 1970:370-77). This is an opposition to a privileged, well funded, theologically-trained clerical class. Hatch demonstrates in the American experience, how the process of democratisation of the church was as much a conquest of class as it was a conquest of theology. What this has meant,

The Latin (Berg & Pretiz, 1996) and New Zealand experiences are not apparently different. Baptists in New Zealand recently reaffirmed their position against ordaining clergy. The Brethren generally refuse to ordain a pastor, each assembly being led by an eldership (though this is changing). Pentecostal leadership development has little to do with the academe and much to do with proven leadership. These are peoples’ churches.

Pentecostal Spirituality: The Inbreaking of the Holy Spirit

Having looked at the relationship of revival to Evangelicalism, there are additional elements of revivalism in Pentecostalism that need consideration. While initially rejecting its evangelical mother, Pentecostal history builds on and embraces the charismatic Evangelical core. A theology of “spiritual gifts as evidence of the Holy Spirit” jumped the fence between these movements in the late 1960’s, globally and in New Zealand (Knowles, 2000: 101-105). But the mark of Pentecostalism has been its emphasis on glossolalia, so it is necessary for completeness, to take a brief excursus into this.

Glossolalia

The hallmark of Pentecostalism is the doctrine that the “baptism of the Spirit” is evidenced by one spiritual gift — speaking in tongues (based on the three events of Acts 2:4; 10:46; 19:6 and the debates of 1 Corinthians 12 and 14 as to the exercise of the gift). The necessary evidence of glossolalia and the concept of the baptism of the Spirit as a second experience subsequent to conversion, are rejected by many Evangelicals (e.g. Ladd, 1974: 345), though though a second experience fits well with Anglican and Catholic perspectives of infant baptism and subsequent confirmation.

It appears largely irrelevant to this study to get into the spiritual, psychological or historical analysis of glossolalia. There is a significant literature on glossolalia from within and without the Pentecostal movements. There is plenty of evidence for its historical appearance throughout history as an aspect of Christian phenomenology.^[18] Newt Maloney has a comprehensive summary of last century’s psychological assessment of glossolalia (1985). Morton Kelsey (1999; 1977; 1991), explores many aspects of Christian and charismatic phenomenology from a Jungian perspective. Suffice to state, that socially, it is an initiation into some of these movements; biblically, it is a gift that is seen as of worth (1 Cor 12, 14); practically, for some of its recipients, it is seen as significant in prayer, worship and deliverance.^[19]

Yet, recognising that readers may have rejected the validity of such experiences because of their strangeness, it seems appropriate to indicate the biblical and historical Christian commonness of glossolalia and related phenomena. Such phenomena include deliverance, shaking, quaking (source of the denominational name), falling down under the power of the Spirit (being “slain in the Spirit” in Pentecostal terms), words of knowledge (direct revelation of another’s situation or of sin) and so on.

Without formal analysis in phenomenology of religion, the logic is simply, “If the presence of God fell on you in power, what physical effects would you expect to see? How would your body react? If the power of the Spirit fell on groups, what phenomena would you expect?”

The answer can be derived in four ways, (a) from the written Word of God,[20] (b) from documented historical occurrences, (c) from contrasts with parallel power encounters with the occult and (d) from examination of present-day experiences. There are consistent answers to all four and among the phenomena, speaking in tongues is a part of the repeated evidence.

There are aberrations in usage, as with any common phenomena. These are documented in the Corinthian church. Despite the sometimes peripheral and sometimes central place of such phenomena in revivals, they are well circumscribed in the structural norms of most Pentecostal denominations. Such aberrations would be a poor basis for rejection of the phenomena.

However, speaking in tongues is only one of the spiritual gifts that the apostle Paul exhorts believers to seek, a minor gifting. It is from a theology of the higher gifts that I wish to derive a theology of transformative revival. Since this theme of gifts is central to revival theology from at least the time of Irving in the 1830’s, a charismatic theology of societal change will only be popularly received if anchored in a theology of spiritual gifting.

Fig 10: Common Web of Belief about Phases of Revival Movements

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Integrated Theory: Phases of Revival

In this chapter I have analysed the popular web of belief about the nature of revival starting with its roots in the Lukan accounts and identifying 24 principles. Revival, as understood by revivalists, includes a time of tarrying, then divine outpouring of the Holy Spirit on groups, with signs or wonders, causative or resulting from conviction of sin among believers and unbelievers alike, public repentance, deep love, character change, bold declaration of the reality of his presence and a multiplication of power to other groups through those touched.

The expansion of the Spirit’s outpouring on groups results in revival movements. I have extended missiological theories of revival by examining three questions: the relationship of revival and time, differentiating people group and web movement theories and contrasting urban movement synergies with rural web movements. This leads to a sustainable but seasonal model of revival based on a multivariate synergy.

In Fig. 1 I integrate the recent web of belief among evangelical and Pentecostal thinkers about revival movement progressions[21] as the presence of God affects four phases: first, personal revival; secondly, small confessional groups; thirdly, structural renewal of churches and denominations. Fourthly, I propose that consummated or transformative revival achieves deeper engagement with the culture. The culture may or may not respond and be revitalized (as a fifth dynamic?). Movement dynamics may be truncated at any step.

2: Processes Common to All Levels of Expansion of Revival Movements

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The processes at each level though similar, are of different scale, thus with different dynamics. Conceptual renewal is included in the process of the work of the Spirit in Fig. 2 (rather than as one level in Fig. 1),[22] along with the dynamics of repentance, release of love, unity, signs and power in proclamation, information flow, leadership emergence and multiplication of small groups for each phase. For example, conceptual change required for cultural engagement is much more complex than for personal revival, with very different information flows.

I have shown aspects of transitions from an evangelical web of belief to a new transformative revival web of belief. In the next chapter, I examine pressures that have accelerated engagement in transformation of New Zealand.

 

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